A people's tragedy 2017 edition [Orlando Figes] (fb2) читать постранично, страница - 320
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fn4 It is true that Makhno’s partisans often broke down under pressure from the Whites. But given how poorly they were supplied by the Reds, this was hardly surprising. They certainly did not deserve the vilification they received from Trotsky. This in fact had less to do with Makhno than it did with Stalin. By laying the blame for the Red defeats on the guerrilla methods of Makhno’s partisans, Trotsky could attack the ‘guerrilla-ism’ of the Military Opposition and thus reinforce his argument for military discipline and centralization.
fn5 The original Red strategy, set in July, had been to attack from the Volga to the Don; but this was changed on 15 October, the day after Orel fell, when the Politburo resolved to concentrate all the Red forces around Tula. Kamenev, the Commander-in-Chief, was not even consulted on the change.
fn6 And his opponents, notably Stalin, warned for the first time of the dangers of Bonapartism.
fn7 The myth gained currency in Western circles. General Holman, for example, the head of the British military mission to Denikin, told a Jewish delegation that of the thirty-six Commissars in Moscow, only Lenin was not a Jew (Shekhtman, Pogromy, 298).
fn8 From 1918 to 1922 the ban on the Mensheviks and the SRs would be briefly lifted from time to time. But even during these periods the Bolsheviks would persecute their activists.
fn9 Brusilov tried to make the release of the officers a condition of his service for the Reds. Trotsky agreed to do what he could but admitted that he himself was ‘not on good terms with the Cheka and that Dzerzhinsky could even arrest him’. Brusilov later set up a special office to appeal for the release of the officers — and as a result of its efforts several hundred officers were released (RGVIA, f. 162, op. 2, d. 18).
fn10 The twelve changes of regime in Kiev were as follows: (1) 3 March–9 Nov 1917: Provisional Government; (2) 9 Nov 1917–9 Feb 1918: Ukrainian National Republic (UNR); (3) 9–29 Feb 1918: First Ukrainian Soviet Republic; (4) 1 March 1918: occupation by the army of the UNR; (5) 2 March–12 Dec 1918: German occupation; (6) 14 Dec 1918–4 Feb 1919: Directory of the UNR; (7) 5 Feb–29 Aug 1919: Second Ukrainian Soviet Republic; (8) 30 Aug 1919: occupation by forces of Directory of the UNR; (9) 31 Aug–15 Dec 1919: occupation by White forces; (10) 15 Dec 1919–5 May 1920: Third Ukrainian Soviet Republic; (11) 6 May–11 June 1920: Polish occupation; (12) 2 June 1920–: final Ukrainian Soviet Republic.
fn11 Apart from Brusilov the conference included his two closest friends from the tsarist army, Generals Klembovsky and Zaionchkovsky, as well as his old ally Polivanov, the former Minister of War.
fn12 By which he meant workers and peasants not yet advanced enough for Bolshevism.
fn13 The Nagorno-Karabakh region, which is still the subject of disputes today, was a summer-pasture ground for the Azeri nomads. Armenia claimed the region in 1918. There were Armenian settlements there, from which many of the nation’s leading intellectuals had come, and so, like Mount Ararat, the region became a symbol of Armenia. The Armenian government tried to stop the Azeris from coming into the region by setting up border guards. This resulted in bitter local fighting. Both the Soviets and the British favoured giving Karabakh to the Azeris.
Chapter 15
fn1 The same idea was expressed at this same time by Gastev and the other pioneers of the Taylor movement in Soviet Russia (see here).
fn2 Trotsky did put forward tentative proposals for an NEP-like market reform in February 1920, but these were turned down by the Central Committee. He swung back at once to the policy of militarization: radical reforms, whether by free trade or coercion, were needed to restore the economy.
fn3 It is tempting to conclude that Pavlov was the target of Bulgakov’s satire, The Heart of a Dog (1925), in which a world-famous experimental scientist, who despises the Bolsheviks but accepts their patronage, transplants the brain and sexual organs of a dog into a human being.
fn4 The Socialist Realism of the 1930s, with its obvious iconic qualities, was much more effective as propaganda.
fn5 Stalin often referred to the people as ‘cogs’ (vintiki) in the vast machinery of the state.
fn6 The term had originally been used by the liberal press to describe Kerensky in 1917.
Chapter 16
fn1 It also excludes the reduced life expectancy of those who survived due to malnutrition and disease. Children born and brought up in these years were markedly smaller than older cohorts, and 5 per cent of all newborns had syphilis (Sorokin, Sovremennoe, 16, 67).
fn2 Hoover’s motives are not entirely clear. Intensely hostile to the Soviet regime, he may indeed have sought to use the famine relief as a means of diplomatic leverage and political influence in Russia. But this does not negate a genuine humanitarian concern on Hoover’s part. Nor does it merit the Bolshevik charge. See Weissman, Herbert, ch. 2.
fn3 The opposition of the other republics was more circumspect: the Ukrainians refused to give their opinion on Stalin’s proposals, while the Belorussians said that they would be guided by the Ukraine’s decision.
fn4 It was not published until 1989.
fn5 The contents of the Testament were made known to the delegates of the Thirteenth Party Congress in 1924. Stalin offered to resign but his offer was rejected on the suggestion of Zinoviev to ‘let bygones be bygones’. The conflict with Lenin was put down to a personal clash, with the implication that Lenin had been sick and not altogether sound in mind. None of these last writings was fully published in Russia during Stalin’s lifetime, although fragments appeared in the party press during the 1920s. Trotsky and his followers made their contents well known in the West, however (Volkogonov, Stalin, ch. 11).
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